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Starting in the 1980s, the United States tried to curb soaring domestic cocaine consumption by influencing policies in the Andean producer countries. In Bolivia, US pressure to eradicate coca undermined the already precarious conditions of highland farmers. To balance contradictory demands between US anti-coca efforts and domestic coca-leaf consumption, the Bolivian government devised Law 1008 as a policy to reduce coca output while preserving the market for coca leaf. To do so, it distinguished between traditional and transitional/illegal coca cultivation. This strategy divided coca growers in traditional and non-traditional areas, thus creating conflicting political interests with respect to the coca policy and later causing distinct reactions to CYCN. While traditional cocaleros mostly supported Law 1008, coca growers’ organisations in non-traditional Chapare mobilised against eradication campaigns under Law 1008 and formed the MAS as an electoral route to change drug policy by winning elections. Morales decision to return to Bolivia, just weeks after his party reclaimed the presidency in a rerun of last year’s election, has enraged opponents and unnerved some within his own party, the Movement for Socialism (Mas). We want justice for all the victims. We want justice from that damn dictatorship we lived through,” said Mark Frauz, another family member. “It’s a joy for us that Evo has returned.” a b Aré Vásquez, Tuffí (2 June 2019). "¿Quién es el cocalero de 29 años que prepara Evo Morales para su sucesión?"[Who Is the 29-Year-Old Cocalero Evo Morales Is Preparing for His Succession?]. Infobae (in Spanish). Buenos Aires. Archived from the original on 2 June 2019 . Retrieved 29 August 2022. When I was traveling in South America, visiting Bolivia and surrounding countries, I was deeply influenced by how prevalent the coca leaf was in the local culture,” commented Ralph. “Further research led me to many historic references of its use in tonics and beverages in Europe and America, and ultimately inspired me to create Cocalero, our own celebration of the coca leaf. ~John Ralph, CEO of Intrepid Spirits
Law 1008 fundamentally reshaped the political interests and organisational capacities of the coca growers’ unions in La Paz and Chapare with consequences for CYCN implementation later on. The law protected traditional Yungas growers from eradication, Footnote 50 but also expanded state control of legal markets and increased pressures on traditional growers to participate in paid voluntary eradication. Footnote 51 Most importantly, Law 1008's limit on legal production exacerbated a growing divide between the traditional growers and non-traditional coca farmers that colonised the outskirts of the Yungas. Traditional growers sought to exclude new settlements from cultivating within the 12,000-hectare limit established under Law 1008 to protect their legal production monopoly. Footnote 52 Valdez, Carlos (19 November 2020). "Evo Morales retoma el control del mayor sindicato cocalero"[Evo Morales Retakes Control of the Largest Cocalero Syndicate]. Chicago Tribune (in Spanish). La Paz. Associated Press. Archived from the original on 19 November 2020 . Retrieved 29 August 2022. Crisis en Bolivia: La presidenta interina Jeanine Áñez promulga la ley para convocar nuevas elecciones sin Evo Morales como candidato"[Crisis in Bolivia: Interim President Jeanine Áñez Enacts Law Calling New Elections Without Evo Morales as a Candidate]. BBC Mundo (in Spanish). London. 24 November 2019. Archived from the original on 5 February 2022 . Retrieved 5 February 2022. Nearby, a group held up a banner commemorating Roberth Calisaya, 20, who was killed last year when soldiers opened fire on demonstrators in Santa Cruz. Chuquimia, Marco Antonio (16 January 2020). "Pacto de Unidad se decide por Choquehuanca y Rodríguez como los candidatos del MAS"[Pact of Unity Decides on Choquehuanca and Rodríguez As the MAS's Candidates]. El Deber (in Spanish). Santa Cruz de la Sierra. Archived from the original on 30 August 2022 . Retrieved 30 August 2022.Hudson, Rex A.; Hanratty, Dennis M., eds. (1989). "Country studies - Bolivia". Washington: GPO. Archived from the original on 2003-05-05 . Retrieved 2 March 2020.
Jimenez, Gustavo Fernando (16 December 2019). "Andrónico recibe apoyo de juventudes del MAS de Cochabamba como candidato a la presidencia"[Andrónico Receives Support from MAS Youth in Cochabamba to Be Presidential Candidate]. El Deber (in Spanish). La Paz. Archived from the original on 30 August 2022 . Retrieved 30 August 2022. Carballo, María (3 June 2019). "De Morales a Andrónico: 'Tienes que consolidar la ruta de Evo' "[From Morales to Andrónico: "You Must Consolidate Evo's Path"]. Página Siete (in Spanish). La Paz. Archived from the original on 7 June 2019 . Retrieved 29 August 2022. Cocalero Clásico, the premium South American-inspired botanical spirit that has taken Asia by storm, is now available in select U.S. markets. Since its international release in 2013, Cocalero has experienced unprecedented growth abroad, selling hundreds of thousands of cases and becoming the most successful launch of an imported liqueur in Japan in the last 20 years. Following the activation of a test campaign last summer in Atlanta, GA, Cocalero’s parent company, Intrepid Spirits, has begun rolling distribution to various markets with the aim to be nationwide by the end of 2019. Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2013-05-13 . Retrieved 2011-12-07. {{ cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title ( link) Convocan a Andrónico Rodríguez a pacificar el país y renovar el MAS"[Activist Calls on Andrónico Rodríguez to Pacify the Country and Renew the MAS]. Urgente.bo (in Spanish). La Paz. Agencia Boliviana de Información. 19 November 2019. Archived from the original on 28 August 2022 . Retrieved 30 August 2022.
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The first thing you can’t help but notice is the otherworldly color of Cocalero. Where St-Germain is a very pale yellow, and the Cloosterbitter is the dull green of faded grass clippings, Cocalero is frighteningly bright. Its neon, lime-green coloration seems to say “I am artificially conceived,” and I’d be lying if I said it didn’t worry me some. However, I ended up being pleasantly surprised in spite of myself. While some may use this as a low-abv Chartreuse substitute, I’m sure most are sipping it as cold shots or with simple mixers. I’ll add that I had a hard time getting to sleep after my experience with Cocalero — though whether that was due to any residual impact of Cocalero’s more exotic ingredients or something else is an open question. Finally, in Chapare, an area of mostly non-traditional coca cultivation and the third area of interest, peasant unions played a pivotal role in supporting the implementation of CYCN reforms. These powerful agrarian unions formed after the 1953 Agrarian Reform in response to frontier colonisation. Following the Agrarian Reform, land plots became smaller in the highlands and the MNR government encouraged peasants to colonise Chapare, a semi-tropical lowland area east and north-east of the city of Cochabamba, and other frontier regions. As colonos (settlers) arrived in the 1960s, agrarian unions, fashioned from both highland Indigenous and peasant organisational structures, emerged as the governing authority in the absence of state presence. Colonos registered with their neighbourhood union and received a parcel of land in exchange for monthly dues and communal labour. Footnote 43
The final promulgation of Law 906, enacted in March 2017, strongly conformed to the Chapare version, thereby illustrating the Six Federations’ strong political influence on the Morales government. The promulgated General Law equalised the status of all coca growers and initially granted Chapare's proposed expansion to 20,000 hectares. However, that limit was later increased to 22,000 hectares, distributing 14,300 to La Paz regions and 7,700 to Chapare. The latter was in response to protests by non-traditional Yungas growers, represented by COFECAY, who argued that the new law disproportionately favoured Chapare. Footnote 141 The expansion accounted for the number of registered growers, but it was controversial because earlier studies estimated domestic demand for coca leaf in Bolivia at 14,700 hectares, considerably less than the 22,000 hectares permitted under the new law. Footnote 142 Rojas, Fernanda (18 October 2019). Written at La Paz. " 'Andy', el joven protegido de Evo Morales que aspira a convertirse en su sucesor"["Andy", the Young Protégé of Evo Morales Who Aspires to Become His Successor]. La Tercera (in Spanish). Santiago. Archived from the original on 23 December 2019 . Retrieved 29 August 2022. Indeed, CYCN defied both the United States and prevailing top-down academic theories of US−Latin American relations. Moreover, cross-national analyses highlight Bolivia as the only Latin American country to significantly depart from the punitive paradigm and thus exclude the United States from national drug-policy decisions. Footnote 18 In 2008, Morales expelled the US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) from Bolivia and allowed all United States International Agency for Development (USAID) programmes to lapse from 2009 to 2013. Footnote 19 The United States penalised Bolivia for these actions by decertifying it for over a decade, but this did not derail Bolivia's reform agenda. Footnote 20 Chávez, Frank (2010-06-25). "69-Year-Old Native Leader Heads 1,500-Km March". IPS. Retrieved 2010-07-08 Conoce cómo quedará conformado el Senado, donde el MAS tiene 21 escaños, CC 11 y Creemos 4"[Find Out How the Senate Will Be Conformed, Where the MAS Has 21 Seats, CC 11, and Creemos 4] (in Spanish). Agencia de Noticias Fides. 22 October 2020. Archived from the original on 3 November 2020 . Retrieved 30 August 2022.The biometric registry increased forced eradication and social unrest in La Paz. In fact, the Yungas experienced the highest number of reported resistance events related to coca eradication between 2006 and 2016 (see Figure 4). Supported by ADEPCOCA, most eradication occurred outside the traditional ‘coca belt’. Footnote 119 Some of the most intense eradication took place in the municipality of La Asunta, a non-traditional coca community impacted by eradication and related social unrest as early as 2008. One MAS deputy in Congress, echoing a bygone era, proclaimed that La Asunta growers were ‘obligated by international treaty’ to eradicate. Footnote 120 In response, La Asunta growers initiated a march to La Paz in April of 2008 and threatened other forms of resistance. They argued that their coca supplied the legal market (in contrast to Chapare) and criticised the Morales government for favouring Chapare farmers who have the same legal status under Law 1008 as non-traditional cocaleros of the Yungas. Footnote 121 Though unable to contest the presidency, Rodríguez remained in the race as a candidate for senator, placing third on the party's electoral list. [24] Following the disqualification of Morales's own senatorial candidacy, Rodríguez was profiled as a possible replacement, better positioning him to win the seat in the event of a close election. [25] Ultimately, cocalero unionist Leonardo Loza [ es] was tapped to top the party's list in place of the former president. [26] Nonetheless, the MAS's landslide victory in Cochabamba, even surpassing the previous year's results, ensured that the party won three of the department's four available Senate seats. [27] [28] Tenure [ edit ] Bolivia's CYCN drug-policy programme was remarkably successful at controlling coca production in certain regions and benefitting historically marginalised communities, yet its effect was not homogeneous for other regions. This study finds that the strength of local coca organisations was instrumental in shaping different policy outcomes at the local level. CYCN was successful in areas where cocalero organisations were unified and committed to reform, and less successful in areas where cocalero organisations resisted reforms that threatened the interests of coca farmers. These findings have implications for two research programmes on social movements in the MAS government and CYCN impacts on living standards in coca regions, while also contributing policy lessons for drug-producing countries. Evo Morales renuncia a la presidencia de Bolivia y denuncia un golpe de Estado"[Evo Morales Resigns as President of Bolivia and Denounces a Coup d'état]. BBC Mundo (in Spanish). London. 11 November 2019. Archived from the original on 10 April 2022 . Retrieved 2 June 2022.
Predictably, ADEPCOCA did not support La Asunta growers in their struggles against forced eradication. La Asunta leaders told the press that ADEPCOCA had ‘… sold out to the government’. Footnote 122 Meanwhile, more than a thousand La Asunta growers descended on the capital city of La Paz, forming a ‘human carpet’ at the doorstep of the Ministerio de Desarrollo Rural (Ministry of Rural Development), demanding that their coca be protected and encouraging government eradication in other non-traditional zones such as Caranavi and Palos Blancos, and areas of expanding coca production in Apolo. Footnote 123 Eventually, forced eradication extended to all of these zones, thus galvanising broader resistance which sometimes turned violent. For example, Caranavi cocaleros planted crude explosives called cazabobos in their coca fields to deter eradication teams. Footnote 124 In Palos Blancos, protestors ambushed eradication teams, causing injuries and the arrest of 13 coca farmers in 2010. Footnote 125 Source: Author's elaboration based on data compiled from national Bolivian newspapers between 2006 and 2016 archived at CEDIB. When [Evo] left, there was a dictatorship that persecuted our people,” said María Poma, whose sister was wounded in unrest. Cocaleros are the coca leaf growers of Peru and Bolivia. In response to U.S.-funded attempts to eradicate and fumigate coca crops in the Chapare region of Bolivia, cocaleros joined with other grassroots indigenous organizations in the country, such as unionized mine workers and peasants to contest the government. Evo Morales, who became president of Bolivia in 2006, was a leader of the cocalero movement in that country. [1] The coca plant and the War on Drugs [ edit ] Along the road north Morales was serenaded by brass bands and mobbed by devotees shouting words of support or clutching the multicoloured indigenous Wiphala flag that Morales made one of Bolivia’s national standards.Bolivia’s new leftwing president, Luis Arce, has distanced himself from his predecessor and has not taken part in Morales’s caravan to Chapare province. Andrónico Rodríguez: 'Es tiempo de curar las heridas y tomar en cuenta a la oposición' "[Andrónico Rodríguez: "It's Time to Heal the Wounds and Take the Opposition into Account"]. Opinión (in Spanish). Cochabamba. 5 December 2020. Archived from the original on 9 August 2022 . Retrieved 30 August 2022. Mi labor se traducirá en la generación de espacios de diálogo y concertación, ... tratando de evitar en todo momento tomar decisiones en función a mayorías y minorías ... Queremos que [la oposición] sientan que su voz y voto también son muy importantes; que tienen nuestro respeto porque son autoridades y servidores públicos elegidos democráticamente. Rodríguez es el nuevo presidente del Senado y tomó juramento a nueva directiva"[Rodríguez Is the New President of the Senate and Swore In a New Directorate]. Los Tiempos (in Spanish). Cochabamba. Agencia de Noticias Fides. 4 November 2020. Archived from the original on 30 August 2022 . Retrieved 30 August 2022. In contrast, the Chapare federations’ proposed law called for a legal limit of 20,000 hectares of coca, which included 7,000 hectares gained under the Cato Accord for Chapare and 13,000 hectares of legal coca for the Yungas of La Paz and Vandiola. Footnote 138 Additionally, the Chapare law proposition recognised all cocaleros as originarios with the same legal status. Footnote 139 Importantly, the Six Federations conditioned their electoral support for MAS on the expansion of legal coca, a strategy that assured the approval of additional hectares, while also providing further evidence of the power cocalero organisations had to shape national policy. Footnote 140 Evo y Andrónico son ratificados como presidente y vicepresidente de las federaciones del trópico"[Evo and Andrónico Are Ratified as President and Vice President of the Federations of the Tropics] (in Spanish). La Paz. ERBOL. 20 September 2021. Archived from the original on 28 August 2022 . Retrieved 30 August 2022.
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